After five years, the Ivory Coast civil war may have arrived at a
turning-point: last Sunday, the Ivory Coast president, Laurent Gbagbo,
and the leader of the rebels of Forces Nouvelles (New Forces), Guilaume
Soro, have reached agreement for the beginning of a peace program that
within five weeks will have led to the formation of a new government
and to the birth of a committee joined by the Armed Forces. This Sunday
event could be the most important chance to put an end to the conflict
that has now dragged on without a solution since 2002.
The Accord. It took all the diplomatic ability of the president
of Burkina Faso, Blaise Compaore, to bring home a positive result from
the conference on Sunday in Ouagadougou. For the first time, the
president and the rebel leader of the Ivory Coast met face to face to
agree on a peace program that wasn’t sponsored by the international
community but conceived and born right in the Ivory Coast: beyond a new
government, the peace plan provides for the dismantling of the buffer
zone that divides the North, controlled by the rebels, from the
governmental South, with the consequent return home of the 11,000 men,
between the blue helmets of the UN and the French of Operation Licorne,
who are monitoring it. Basically appealing, the plan provides for
the resumption of the process of identification of the
population, preparatory to the organization of the presidential
elections anticipated for October 2005 and put off for two consecutive
years.
Reactions. If the international community is optimistic (France, above
all), there is no lack of skeptics on the value of the accords: it
would not in fact be the first time that the peace process for Ivory
Coast, always presented as an epocal turning-point, disappointed
expectations, revealing itself to be pieces of paper at the test of
simple facts. This is what happened hitherto with the accords of
Marcoussis, sponsored by Paris, with those of Accra and with those of
Pretoria, organized by the South African Thabo Mbeki and presented as
“the African solution to the problems of the country” before running
aground like the previous plans. The optimists point to the fact that,
for the first time, two principal actors in the Ivory Coast crisis have
committed themselves directly in order to find a solution to the
question, while before they only submitted passively to peace plans
presented by others. If everything goes as planned, in a short
while the rebels will be integrated into the army, putting an end to
the split of the country in which the theatre of a guerrilla war lasted
only a few months and was quickly transformed into an exhausting clash
of diplomatic initiatives.
The Future. The next weeks will better clear up the designs of Gbagbo
and Soro, masters (the former above all) in getting around requests and
sanctions imposed without much conviction by the international
community to resolve the Ivory Coast stalemate. First of all, the
trouble of the prime minister will need to be faced, seeing that the
decision to form a new government sounds like an open lack of
confidence in Charles Konan Banny, the prime minister nominated with
the consensus of the international mediators but never tolerated by
Gbagbo. Voices always stronger speak of a possible government headed by
this same Soro, on the condition that Banny takes it in good part. In
the contrary case, the umpteenth Ivory Coast turning-point could be
revealed as only the last quagmire of an endless war.