02/23/2006versione stampabileprintinvia paginasend



Interreligious clashes in the North are evidence of a profound malaise
The world is global, even in its protests. That is what the demonstrations following publication of the satirical vignettes on prophet Mohammed that triggered so much anger throughout Islamic communities the world over have shown. African giant Nigeria was not left immune either. Over the weekend the northern part of the country flared up again, with clashes between Muslim and Christian communities resulting in more than 50 victims. And they have also shown that behind the mask of religious conflict lies a more profound malaise. 
  
A picture of the religious clashes of two years agoComplex problems. Some time has passed since religious conflicts in Nigeria have made the news. It is precisely since when, in the spring of 2004, clashes broke out first in the state of Plateau and then in the northern city of Kano, causing hundreds of deaths (the exact number of victims was never ascertained). Now the clashes that erupted yesterday in the city of Bauchi are added to those in Maidugui and Katsina over the weekend, leaving more than 13 victims and forcing public authorities to order a night curfew.
It is an explosive situation difficult to resolve, also because economic and political problems have become mixed with the religious issues. 
 
Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo Land and elections. Just like two years ago, religious issues serve as a shield to hide more substantial problems this time as well. For example, there is the issue of possession of land amongst the various communities, an age-old problem the authorities have preferred to shy away from and that triggered the 2004 violence in the state of Plateau. Now added to that are political issues, such as the possible renomination of outgoing head of state Olusegun Obasanjo at the 2007 presidential elections, which he can obtain only if a constitutional amendment, which part of the population looks upon with disfavour, passes. Following eight years of a government led by a Christian president coming from the southern elite, the northern communities (mostly Muslim) would indeed prefer a more “like-minded” head of state.
 
Irregular groups. In fact, in 2000 Sharia (Islamic law) was adopted in 12 of the northern states making up the Nigerian federation. It was a decision fraught with consequences also because, as the irony of fate would have it, the country is practically divided in half between Muslims (50 per cent of the population) and Christians (45 per cent). The latter did not willingly accept having to conform to Islamic law, also because the northern states decided to apply the new provisions with uncommon severity. Thus voluntary militias appointed to enforce Sharia, such as the Hisbah operating in the state of Kano, were formed. Created in 2001 to cover a void of power, these militias forbid the consumption of wines and spirits, and over the last few months they have clashed with drivers of local motorcycle taxis who, according to Sharia, can not carry women. The federal state has enjoined the governor of the state of Kano several times to dismantle these irregular groups because they allegedly serve to recruit “jihadists”. The governor has always rejected this charge, along with the demands coming from Abuja. 

A group of Bakassi Boys A matter of priorities.
One must admit that these groups of vigilantes are not peculiar to the north, or to the Muslims. The most famous group is indeed the Bakassi Boys, who are active in the southern state of Abia. They are more famous for harassing the population and for cursory executions (at least a thousand, according to Amnesty International), than for maintaining public order. Once again, the impossibility of the Nigerian state to perform its duties, first and foremost in controlling the territory, emerges. A fault made worse by the local politicians themselves, who subsidize the militias and incite the various communities to violence in order to get rid of their opponents and capitalize on the violence for electoral ends. This is evidence of how Nigeria’s problems are more serious and structural than they may seem. And how possession of land and political issues are much more important than a few satirical vignettes.
 
Matteo Fagotto

 
Topic: War, Politics, Religions
Area: Nigeria