On October 30, there should have been a presidential election in the Ivory Coast, intended to bring an end to the strange war that exploded in September 2002. But a year has slipped away since the election decision was made, and the plan
now seems in doubt, along with the nation’s peaceful façade. PeaceReporter collected
reports from Pierre, who lives in a government-controlled zone, and Madeleine,
who lives in the northern, rebel-controlled part of the country. Their names have
been changed to protect their identity.
Not even Thabo Mbeki’s intervention last April could restart the stalled peace
process. Three years since the end of combat, tension in Ivory Coast remains high,
with FN rebels who refuse to disarm and postponement of the national elections.
The government and rebels prepare for October 30, a date the people anticipate
with a mix of fear and resignation. Although open armed conflict seems remote,
there is a strong possibility of violent actions on both sides.
Relative Calm. “The situation is calm here, although you see more soldiers in the streets,
on alert and checking suspicious cars. The political situation is peaceful because
only the pro-Gbagbo forces can hold meetings, and television is controlled by
the president. The opposition can only speak through the newspapers.” Thus Pierre
describes the situation in the south, where apparent calm permits no one to forget
that, “the army is ready to act if necessary. They are convinced that the FN rebels
will never accept elections because they could never win. The military option
is always there.” If armed conflict should break out, Gbagbo can count both on
his army and on the JP (Young Patriot) militia commanded by Charles Blé-Goudé,
who many consider to be the real ruler of Abidjan.
Reduced to Extremes. It’s the same story in the north, where the rebels are preparing for an eventual
attack. “I hope the FN doesn’t attack, in part because they could never win,”
declares Madeleine. “In the last few days they have seized some gas trucks for
supplies in case of war. The FN are falling apart, there’s no one in charge. They
had ideals at the beginning, but by now they’re just common criminals who steal,
rape, and loot. Their original leader, Soro, is never seen anymore, he’s always
in Burkina Faso, and power has been seized by a handful of ignorant, violent
sergeants. People are just waiting for the war to end so they can take revenge
on the rebels.” After two years under the control of the FN, the north of Ivory
Coast is reduced to extremes: they’ve guaranteed light and water and say the schools
will reopen soon, but the economy is totally dependent on smuggling of cacao and
lumber to Burkina Faso. “They’ve destroyed immense forests in only two years,”
Madeleine confirms, “ and the people haven’t made one cent. The only thing in
abundance here is the violence committed by anyone with a weapon.”
A Difficult Peace. What are the real chances for peace? “I don’t think we’ll have elections next
year,” Peter declares, disconsolate. “We’re going to end up like Congo. The international
community isn’t interested in solving the problem. France had a very ambiguous
role in the coup in September 2002 and the civil war, while the neighboring countries
have exploited the fall of the country that once was the region’s economic giant.
Burkina Faso smuggles cacao, and the ports of Lomé (in Togo) and Cotonou (in
Benin) are benefiting from the decline of the port of Abidjan.” Not even the French
and UN peacekeeping forces who monitor the safety zones seem to enjoy much credibility.
“Except for chasing girls, they don’t do much here in the north,” says Madeleine.
In the meantime, October 30 approaches, and the tension and fear keep growing.
Matteo Fagotto