Piece by piece Kosovo is preparing its presentation to the world. Last week its national anthem was approved; Sunday the Constitution came into force, and President Fatmir Sejdiu signed the first package of laws instituting the State Department, the Defense Department, and the Army, which may be employed in international peacekeeping missions. Finally, last week the go-ahead for the opening of the first 9 Kosovan embassies abroad.

 

Pristina sings “Europe”. President Sejdiu made the announcement in person. For the first time Pristina will have diplomatic missions overseas: USA, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, France, Belgium, Austria, Switzerland and Albania. The announcement did not give the date when the embassies will be operative, but the act in itself, the publication of the law instituting the foreign missions, is an important step for Kosovo, as its first official act on the international stage. June 11^th, as noted, Parliament also approved the national anthem. This eliminates the institutional embarrassment for the fact that Kosovans, at the salient moments of their public life, sang the Albanese anthem. The composer, Kosovan musician Mehdi Menxhiqi, won a contest sponsored by the Parliament. The Ahtisaari Plan, which took its name from the Finnish negotiator, provided strict limits for the composition of the anthem, which could not be shorter than thirty seconds, or longer than sixty. It has no words, only music, and the title is "Europa". The message sent by the Kosovans is clear. However, not everyone is happy: the opposition parties pointed out that the ruling majority tends to choose its country’s symbols, which will belong to all Kosovans forever, without a serious political debate. That was the case with the flag, and now is the same with the anthem. The presence of many Albanese flags, many more than the Kosovan ones, demonstrates the poor reception of the banner, whose six yellow stars represent the multiethnic character of the nation. In clubs and in the streets, strong nationalists consider the six stars a symbol of the Albanese Diaspora.

The Constitution of Kosovo. The draft was presented to Parliament, and approved by the same, April 9th of this year. The President of the Constitutional Commission, Hajredin Kuçi, vice-premier and right arm of Hashim Thaçi, the current Kosovan Premier, hosted the event. Although there has been no official passage of power, since June 15th all powers are in the hands of the sovereign people of the Republic of Kosovo. During the brief official ceremony broadcast on national television channels, President Sejdiu performed his first formal act by signing the first package of laws previously approved by the Parliament: Kosovo now has, for the first time, a Department of Defense, an army and a State Department. Up until Saturday June 14^th, only the head of the Unmik administration, the U.N.’s mission in Kosovo, could make laws. The Constitution became valid four months after the unilateral declaration of independence last February 17th. Hajredin Kuçi repeatedly thanked the international figures who contributed to the preparation of the document in his presentation of the Constitution, and declared that it took inspiration from many constitutions, but particularly from the constitution of the United States.

 

The text consists of 162 Articles divided in 14 Paragraphs. In the Founding Principals, there are elements that clearly denote the future of the country: Article 3 eliminates the fear of “Greater Albania”. Unification with any other State (read Albania) or part of one (read Macedonia, Montenegro) will be forbidden, as well as annexation of territories belonging to other sovereign States (read Preshevo - Serbia). Following the imprint of the Ahtisaari Plan, the multiethnic composition of the nation was treated with close attention: the Albanese and the Serbian languages enjoy equal dignity as official languages, while Turkish, Bosnian and Rom will have that status on a local level only. The proclamation of a secular State, the introduction of the protection of the environment among the first articles of the Constitution, and the recognition of freedom of sexual orientation, which goes well beyond gender equality, demonstrate a very modern approach. The constituents even feel the necessity of specifying that there will be only one currency (therefore the use of the Serbian dinaro becomes officially illegal), and the opposition to the death penalty, but above all the prohibition of commerce in human beings (sic!), as well as the right to not participate in medical-scientific experiments without personal consent.

 

The entire Paragraph III is the transcription of the standards imposed by the Unmik for the protection of minorities; minorities enjoy a broad range of rights relative to education, the possibility of financing for the protection and transmission of their culture, and quotas reserved for them within the public administration.

In spite of the firm denial of Belgrade and Mitrovica, in spite of the uncertainty as to who will be the executors of the Basic Law, it is impossible to deny the efforts made to make this complex ethno system at least livable, a system that would provoke shivers in even the most seasoned democracy.

The Atmosphere in Belgrade. Serbian President Boris Tadic declared that, for the Serbs who live in Kosovo, that paper has no legal value. Belgrade cannot recognize an Albanese State within its borders, and admonishes the international community as to the grave consequences that a similar act could have. The Secretary General of the UN, Ban Ki-moon, sent a letter last week which enflamed Boris Tadic and the opposition in Serbia: it informed them of the imminent withdrawal of the UN mission in Kosovo in favor of the European Eulex mission which would take its place. The Serbian Minister for Kosovo and Metohija (Kosmet), Slobodan Samardzic, announced Belgrade’s response to the political activity in Pristina: on June 28th, the Serbian Parliament of Kosmet will take office in Mitrovica. There is no choice but to wait and see what else will emerge from the Serbian and Kosovar “false bottom box”.

 

Nicola Sessa